ing notice, that should the French revolution be fuppreffed, the European monarchs will have learnt a leffon from it they will not foon forget. Mr. Burke juftly obferves that kings will be deterred from granting their fubjects any degree of liberty; they will from policy be cruel. Should the continental monarchs fucceed in fuppreffing the French revolution, they will hardly make Mr. Burke a lying prophet. Tyrants are cruel in proportion to their fears.

Perhaps it will be faid, we do not mean to reftore the old government of France. Indeed it is not easy to furmife what is really meant by the farrago of incoherent complaints against France with which we are deafened; but certainly as moft of them are philippicks against the new government, the only plain inference is, that this abominable government is to be destroyed, and as we fhould reasonably fuppofe, the old one to be reftored: certainly it appears to be intended to compel them to have a king. Mr. Burke's most vehement complaint is, that they hate kings. The measures which have been pursued against them, do not feem indeed to have been extremely well calculated to remove their antipathy; and should the king of England join the confederacy against them, it is not quite certain that it will totally eradicate their ftrange prejudices againft kings. To make them love kings will certainly be rather a difficult task; the utmost we shall be able to effect, will be to compel them to fwallow a king, which they will disgorge if ever it be in their power.

The

It is peculiar to this war, that our most imminent danger may poffibly refult from fuccefs. Can we believe it poffible, that the monarchs of Europe, after we have affifted them to eradicate these principles out of France, will fuffer them to exift in England? Muft not this country have the benefit of their kind attention? English language is becoming common on the continent, and they will hardly overlook the danger which may refult from it, nor is it to be imagined that if the continent be thoroughly fubjugated, England can infure her exemption from the yoke. Hence if it were to be fuppofed poffible, that the Royal Affociation fhould totally fubvert the new government of France, we might justly entertain the most dreadful apprehenfions. The

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continental monarchs no longer engaged in endless quarrels about the boundaries of their dominions, but combined together in one horrid confederacy to maintain their power against their fubjects; all principles of benefit and importance to mankind would be eradicated. Europe would prefent to our view a new and a monftrous fyftem of government indeed, far more deteftable than the old. One stagnant and putrid mass of defpotifm would hang over the whole continent. Then indeed the plan would present to our view a grand unity of defign. It would not appear as it now does, in unconnected and disjointed parts. If this be a part of the plan, it is carefully and prudently kept out of fight. We are told nothing of reciprocity. The king of England is to engage in this conteft from pure motives of regard to his fellow monarchs; to preserve their dignity and power, as king of England; at least, he asks nothing for himself.

But as there is little chance that these principles, whether French or English, will ever be rooted out, it may be fome comfort to those who are alarmed about them, to be informed that however dangerous or however beneficial they may be in Germany; yet in England they are unimportant. As principles they have long existed in this country: they have been appealed to in both the English and American revolutions; but that they had any tendency to produce these events may be doubted. If the English, the Irish, the Scotch, or the Welsh fhould ever feel apprehenfions fufficient to induce. them to revolt, and fhould have it in their power to effect it, they may poffibly refort to thefe principles, if they are to be found; but were they to be loft, that circumftance certainly would not reftrain them from revolt: they would do as we did at the revolution, first effect it, and then find some Mr. Locke to form a fet of principles to defend it. In the mean time there is little danger of our reforting to them, but as themes of literary difcuffion. Perhaps the Duke of Richmond and a few whimfical men may wish to fee thefe principles more obviously realised in our government; but to go to war with the French for that reafon, is as abfurd as if we were to commence a crufade against the Turks, because a few individuals amongst us may admire the Koran; or

against the idolatrous Chinefe, because an extravagant author has lately expreffed his approbation of the Heathen Theology.

The people of this country in a fituation of increasing profperity, furrounded with comparative mifery, will not be easily induced to hazard this happiness: they will not fcrutinize accurately into our form of government; nor hazard a public convulfion, by attempting fuch fpeculative, or even real improvements as may endanger the public peace. Some few always have been, and always will be endeavouring to draw the public notice by their speculations, but the bulk of the nation will give but little heed to them. If ever there be the least danger of their interrupting the public happiness, we shall stop our bufinefs and our pleafures for a moment, and convince them of their infignificance. That the public peace was in any danger from these principles could hardly be believed; and cannot be now even pretended. The public have manifested such an univerfal approbation of the government and its administration, and fuch a determination to fupport it, as was never before witneffed: all parties, all religions, all ranks, merely on being informed, by authority, that the public peace was in danger, have with unexampled zeal, preffed forward to exprefs their attachment, without even stopping to enquire whether the danger be real or imaginary. Is this a time to tell us of danger from public commotions? If any man really thought fo, he must be convinced of his mistake; and it is certainly a little inconfiftent in Mr. Burke, that he reprefents us as cleaving to our antient prejudices, because they are prejudices, yet confiders us as ready to run mad after the most extravagant innovations; the baneful and mifchievous effects of which, he fays, we have an example of, in the misery they have brought on the French nation. But admitting there were fome ground to apprehend danger from republicans and levellers, the measures which have been taken, appear to have been fully adequate to the purpose: if libellers write, juries will convict, and courts will punish: if riots fhould happen, conftables or foldiers will fupprefs them. These feem to be the proper, we have experienced them to be

adequate, and they certainly are cheaper remedies for the evil, than a war against France.

As none of the principles of the French revolution can be refered to as being either new or dangerous. Mr. Burke to ftigmatize it, talks for hours, about blood and atheism, and then to produce ftage effect throws daggers about the house; but after he has finished his theatric rant, he must be told, that the circumstances attending a revolution, are not its principles, and frequently not the refult of the principles. The maffacre of Glencoe, or King William's bloody wars, our national debt, the feptennial or riot aft, were never called, the principles of the English revolution. The events, of Auguft and September arofe from foreign caufes; had thofe caufes not exifted, the events would not have followed; yet the principles of the revolution would have been the fame; fo the hatred to kings conftitutes no part of those principles, it fprang from the hatred kings have manifefted to their government. The offer of confraternity was adopted to counteract the univerfal confederation they faw formed against them, or at least to retaliate it; and had the confederation never been formed, there is not the least evidence to prove, that either hatred to kings, or the offer of confraternity would have refulted from their principles, any more than from the principles of any other republic, or than from the principles of our revolution, for even that has been difgraced with blood, and ftigmatized with atheism. The refiftance of our ancestors to the antient authority of the crown, during the reigns of the Stuarts, was attended with much blood-fbed, and produced fome ridiculous, and fome difgraceful circumftances. preferving the new line of kings, and the new fpecies of monarchy, fince 1688, we have fhed no fmall quantity of blood, both in Ireland and in Scotland; and under circumstances, which, Mr. Burke, fhould he ever be difpofed to undertake the task, might poffibly be able to place in as odious a point of view, as he has the French maffacrees.

In

As to both atheism and murder they are not new charges against revolution principles. Mr. Burke is only a copyift; he merely ecchos the decrees of the univerfity of Oxford juft prior to our revolution. When

having carefully examined the principles of thofe very revolutionists, whofe conduct and whofe writings, even Mr. Burke affects to revere; that celebrated feat of piety and learning, folemnly decreed, that "the faid propofitions were falfe, feditious, impious, heretical, and blafphemous, injurious to Chriftianity, and deftructive " of all government in church and ftate, fitted to deprave "good manners, corrupt the minds of uneafy men, ftir

up feditions and tumults, and lead to rebellions, murder "of princes, and atheifm itfelf." And about the fame time one of the moft learned and refpectable of our bishops had fagacity enough to difcover atheism in Mr. Locke's writings.

b.But however dangerous, or however atheistical these principles might then be deemed, we now feem defirous of monopolizing them; and the oppofition to the French revolution, arises in no fmall degree, from an apprehenfion that other nations may derive the fame benefit from them which we have experienced. Much is it to be lamented that in this country there are many, who, fraught with national pride, caft a jaundiced eye around and fay, If the nations of Europe enjoy the fweets of liberty, and their commerce ceases to be expofed to arbitrary laws administered by venal judges;—if their land no langer lies uncultivated, that their nobles may enjoy the pleasures of the chace;-if myriads of clergy draw not away their wealth from the channels of industry;-if arbitrary and rapacious exaction no longer rob the artifan and the peafant of the fruit of their industry, or violence force them from their families, to fill up the ravages of death in the armies of contending defpots; then thofe nations, possessed of fuperior natural advantages to ourselves, will rear their beads around us; no longer shall we retain our proud preeminenence, or hold the equilibrium of empire; confined to the natural advantages our island poffeffes, we shall ceafe to carry an half the commerce of Europe; no more will the British name carry terror through the world, or its terrors refound from pole to pole. But let fuch recollect-that if patriotifm be a virtue, it cannot be founded on fuch malignant propenfities; it will not lead us to wish human happiness to be circumfcribed by Albion's Cliffs, or that the genius of Liberty fhould caft her mantle only o'er our isle.